Chaste and pure ... occasionally
Wednesday, May 11, 2011
My Head With Hairstyles
For a month and a half I emancipated and went to live with a friend after several years living with my dear mother. The ill-conceived and mostly my parent predicted at the outset that I gained independence in order to assemble the thousand and one at home and especially in my bed.
At my new home my roommate told me that part of the bed was more noise than a concert Top 40 in the Plaza Mayor and I was excited to check and opens with a partner luxury.
to me at the bottom I loved the idea of \u200b\u200bbecoming a slut and Samantha frungidora with each other but nothing is further from reality is that after 41 days living alone My bed is more virgin Strawberry on Big Brother. Between work, my friends and family commitments, my duties varied and one has already turned 30 and no longer linked as when I was a kid because it keeps the same as the first day.
I'm starting to wonder celibacy and become a priest, certainly more so jincaría.
Tuesday, May 10, 2011
Best Drugstore Foundation Non-comedogenic
STATEMENT OF ORGANIZATIONS AND VICTIMS of Huila
victims gathered in the days 9 and May 10 this year, we discussed the draft Victims Act, which is in its fourth and final debate in the Senate. Regarding content, we note the following:
1. , The bill was not consulted with the victims, to legitimize it was necessary to an informed, concerted and appropriate for discussion and deliberation of the draft of the Law .
2. Major themes of the Bill is left to future regulatory by the Government, we are concerned that content regulation and not required by the participation of victims support the creation of a new institutional entities such as Social Action, in our experience has been negligent in recognizing our rights.
3. Should be extended the date for the recognition of victims and land restitution, as likewise expand the concept of family direct family.
4. That would be beneficiaries and also considered victims.
5. We believe violates our rights, to hold the reparation for victims to fiscal sustainability.
6. We consider counterproductive denial the Constitutional jurisprudence, the failure to differentiate measures of assistance and humanitarian aid remedies.
7. It is worrying that the victims of displacement, discrimination giving them administrative compensation core family, which amounts are due to help ance, given under the compensation.
is necessary, recognition of responsibility State and elimination of Article 9 of the Victims' Bill.
consider it essential deepening and development back guarantee of security for victims, advocates victims, court officials, and guarantees victim participation in the institutional spaces that as shown in the chapter on institutions, the space given to victims in relation to public officials is inequitable.
HUIPAZ
VIUNPA
Colombian Campaign LANDMINES 
victims gathered in the days 9 and May 10 this year, we discussed the draft Victims Act, which is in its fourth and final debate in the Senate. Regarding content, we note the following:
1. , The bill was not consulted with the victims, to legitimize it was necessary to an informed, concerted and appropriate for discussion and deliberation of the draft of the Law .
2. Major themes of the Bill is left to future regulatory by the Government, we are concerned that content regulation and not required by the participation of victims support the creation of a new institutional entities such as Social Action, in our experience has been negligent in recognizing our rights.
3. Should be extended the date for the recognition of victims and land restitution, as likewise expand the concept of family direct family.
4. That would be beneficiaries and also considered victims.
5. We believe violates our rights, to hold the reparation for victims to fiscal sustainability.
6. We consider counterproductive denial the Constitutional jurisprudence, the failure to differentiate measures of assistance and humanitarian aid remedies.
7. It is worrying that the victims of displacement, discrimination giving them administrative compensation core family, which amounts are due to help ance, given under the compensation.
is necessary, recognition of responsibility State and elimination of Article 9 of the Victims' Bill.
consider it essential deepening and development back guarantee of security for victims, advocates victims, court officials, and guarantees victim participation in the institutional spaces that as shown in the chapter on institutions, the space given to victims in relation to public officials is inequitable.
HUIPAZ
VIUNPA
Colombian Campaign LANDMINES
Leigh'd Monster Curves
Victim Act, armed conflict and the "counter" of Uribe.
For emmaflood. May 9, 2011
Given the possibility that the law recognizes that victims of armed conflict inside Colombia, which already has supported by President Santos, Former President Uribe waving a "original" counter which contradicts the arguments used during his tenure to polarize the public rather to promote the rational analysis of the conflict.
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| collective burial after slaughter. Image Magazine | weeks
Uribe takes the issue to revive his accustomed hate the FARC, its main weapon of electoral propaganda for his political group whose victory in the October elections would facilitate their return to power now in a hall or in the future through constitutional reform. Pole disrepute due to corruption in the Mayor of Bogota and gross mismanagement of Samuel Moreno, survival Uribe's entourage prison from Congress and cultivated good relations with the most right-wing sector of the armed forces are part of the resources to his return to power.
Its counter has clear intentions, including leaving out the law to victims of crimes perpetrated by state agents and the deaths and disappearances, false positives occurred during his administration and a higher profile gravity just because it is the constitutionally mandated government that must ensure life of citizens. (The FARC never swore by God and respect for one's country constitution as it does a government).
Uribe's kingdom is not of peace, "Uribe is concerned that Colombians continue to believe that the FARC narco-terrorists are a few simple without political significance, at the same level of organized crime by paramilitaries. Uribe is interested in continuing the war and the economic interests of their group membership are linked to the war.
's note on the counter Weather Uribe said: "According to Uribe, the words" should refer to victims of armed groups outside the law and not victims internal armed conflict "
" armed groups outside the law "as proposed by Uribe, included in the same category as the FARC, the ELN and the paramilitaries (now BACRIM) never rebelled against the state as the FARC and the ELN.
paramilitaries never rose against the state because they are simply criminal not political but economic objectives even if they are supported by certain political figures, or acted with them to steal the state. never confronted the armed forces. Joining them for the purpose of defeating the FARC to dominate the territory suitable for growing coca.
Aunque Uribe haya hecho hincapié en el aspecto "narcoterrorista" de las FARC, eso no invalida el hecho de que las FARC son actores políticos.
Los objetivos de las FARC son políticos- Las FARC se financian ilegalmente, como todos los grupos insurgentes porque no cuentan con fondos del estado como las fuerzas armadas. Pero su objetivo principal no es el narcotráfico, sino atacar al estado y eventualmente suplantarlo. Es un hecho que las FARC realizan labores propias del estado como es atender enfermos en algunos poblados, construir caminos, etc., aunque esto redunde en su propio beneficio.
Change the name does not change the reality-As much as our former president should endeavor to put another name, that does not change the conditions so that the Colombian conflict is no longer an internal armed conflict as recognizes the International Red Cross, United Nations and the Geneva Protocol art.3.
According to the criteria of an internal armed conflict there is universal:
-when faced with two unequal forces, a rebel and state forces.
when -military hostile actions of some of the public against the state.
, when the armed group is organized in blocks with military chains of command.
-territorial and when they have minimal control.
And while Uribe is bent on denying this, the legitimacy or otherwise of the FARC as a political group depends on the government to respond militarily and politically and not on whether to call narco.
are the facts and no names or descriptions that legitimize the political nature of the FARC as listed below.
-Participation of the armed forces to fight the FARC and ELN.
-The action and direct mediation of the International Red Cross in conflict zones.
- La Piedad Córdoba intermediation and Brazilian drivers in the release of kidnapped hostages called for subversion because it's named international entities to accept the existence of internal armed conflict. Uribe calls kidnapped because they accept the existence of armed conflict. It's called kidnapping case of deprivation of liberty does not exist in a context of war, but common crime.
-The cessation of action for delivering military kidnapped
- The massive military spending (see SIPRI) on weapons, aircraft and military personnel trained in counterinsurgency warfare that serve only to an internal armed conflict and are unsuitable for external armed conflict. Colombia has the largest military budget in South America after Brazil, almost all dedicated to fighting the guerrillas
- The U.S. military aid to fight the FARC.
"The permanence of the conflict in time
To counter this evidence, Uribe would have to demonstrate:
- that the FARC are not the priority of the war in Colombia, and therefore would have no political significance or threaten the country's stability.
- the drug money that finances the FARC not tied to the purchase of weapons to attack the state, making ambushes military forces, maintain territorial control in the forest and mountains Colombia to demoralize the troops and undermine confidence in the government and the military.
"I should deny the existence of the Patriot Plan which is an extension of Plan Colombia was created solely to attack the FARC.
-would have to demonstrate that he never said that the FARC are communists, or that the FARC have relations with the PCC or PC3, and that the FARC is the armed wing of the party. Because they claim it means accepting that the FARC has political objectives, including the state's destruction and theft of government. Would have to deny so many times said that the FARC are a threat to democracy.
Refer to the FARC as narco-bandits is a rather crude method to downplay the FARC as a political actor. Deny the political importance of the armed conflict in Colombia prevents finding a solution because no problem can be solved if you deny the reality.
emmaflood@etb.net.co
Tahoe Body Style Changes How Often
Recognition Act of victims of armed conflict remain
This was decided by the president Juan Manuel Santos after a meeting with the senators of the Party of the U.
Tuesday May 10, 2011
At least in the paper for its fourth and final debate the bill victims recognize the internal armed conflict.
president Juan Manuel Santos made the decision to keep the explicit recognition so that only the victims of illegal armed groups have access to compensation provided by the project.
In a meeting at the Presidential Palace, The Party senators expressed concerns U president Alvaro Uribe because that would give explicit reference belligerent status to FARC. However, Santos, who was accompanied by the military leadership, maintained its position of supporting the armed conflict and that reference did not give any political recognition to the illegal groups.
"armed conflict have long ago in this country. Here there is nothing new, here you are not doing an addition to something you had in the past, but continues a very clear is that our military forces operating under the umbrella of IHL, which requires the presence of an internal armed conflict "Bush said.
"That in no way means that the terrorists stop being terrorists or fail to call them. In no way means that we are giving special recognition and a lot less than we are paving the way for the belligerent because it satisfies none of these requirements, nor is there anything new to the firm attitude clear and convincing the government and security forces against the narco terrorism and illegal armed groups everything that generate violence. "
The president thanked the Party of the U for supporting the initiative, and said it was satisfied with the text of the paper for the fourth debate of the law of victims.
also noted that "the admiral (Edgar) Cely, now defense minister in charge, and commanders Army, Air Force, Navy. All, all agreed that for them it is very important and essential to recognize that internal armed conflict. "
Consequently, the paper will remain unchanged, although the U.S. senators announced that the discussion will insist on the thesis and submit proposals to be the plenary of the House that decision is final.
The ideological rift
Public Order Section
The debate over whether or not there is internal conflict places Juan Manuel Santos and Alvaro Uribe of thought in different banks. Uribe Is fighting a losing battle?
Saturday May 7, 2011
Between Juan Manuel Santos and Alvaro Uribe has been no political overtones and pitch changes that show not only the different agendas of government, but their particular moods as leaders. But last week opened a real rift between the two, with the debate on whether or not armed conflict. Paradoxically, the Congress Party of the U promoted the idea that the text of the law of victims include the term "armed conflict" as a framework to limit the universe of beneficiaries of the repair. The interest was mainly to stop the economic bleeding of the State if any person affected by communal violence could be included.
In principle, the phrase has no major legal implications, since in the field of standards, the conflict has been long recognized. Both the Constitutional Court in its judgments and the laws of displaced and demobilized based on this premise. And not to mention the treaties and international jurisprudence, where Colombia has always been treated as a war-torn nation. Recognize or not the conflict does not relieve the government, for example, to comply with its obligations in the humanitarian field.
The phrase also sought to give any political message of legitimacy to the guerrillas, because the governments that preceded Uribe had recognized the conflict and that did not mean never give them belligerent status to the guerrillas, much less stop combat. And the legitimacy that they perhaps were in the negotiation of Caguan, in a context where they were recognized as a partner by the government of Pastrana, is comparable with that paramilitary groups were Ralito, but the Uribe government was ambiguous about the status that gave them the self-defense. That is, neither the direction of peace or of war changed with the inclusion or exclusion of the phrase.
But the immediate and disproportionate response from the president Alvaro Uribe has put the issue in the field of ideology and political legitimacy. Uribe spent much effort in his government to banish the term 'conflict' official language, and not simply a delusion, but a vision of politics and war. To Uribe no rebellion possible in a democratic society like Colombian, but crime and terrorism. However, cases like that of Great Britain show that even in established democracies may have violent disagreements, as was the case of the IRA, and with or without rhetorical recognition can even lead to the negotiation without thereby undermining the state.
The idea that there is no conflict inspired his community and state argument underlying the whole policy of democratic security. In the latter, for example, explains the existence of guerrilla groups because of the weakness of the rule and not the friction of interests and ideologies. "Uribe is a XVIII century liberal whose main concern is the construction of state, while Santos is in a more contemporary liberal tradition, which is what has governed us, "says Jorge Giraldo, dean of Humanities at the University Eafit.
Therefore, this issue may end up being a first pulse ideologically between Uribe and Santos. For the former, as a matter of principles which will fight among the most loyal in the bed of the U, who is himself looking for Congress to amend the term the final stretch of the law. But it is not so easy. On Tuesday, Senator Roy Barreras Rapporteur will meet with the caucus to discuss the issue before it is filed the paper, and asked the president to accompany Santos to "socialize" the discussion. Most lawyers in the country have endorsed the inclusion of conflict as a category, the Defense Minister Rodrigo Rivera, spoke out to say they recognize the conflict contributes to the implementation of international humanitarian law and the U.S. ambassador did not give importance to subject.
For Santos, this is not an ideological issue, but political. The president is pragmatic, and if the term puts a clear framework to the universe of victims and facilitates the implementation of the law, then it should be included. Second, tuned to a government with the international community, which had been shocked when the government denied this reality, but at the same time seeking support to wage war both in military and for the consolidation and the humanitarian crisis. Third, Santos allowed to return to using a purely political speech, stripped of McCarthyism, to name a reality as the civil war, which despite having disappeared from official documents for eight years, continues. And whose end will not necessarily by military means.
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